{"id":11372,"date":"2025-12-27T22:52:10","date_gmt":"2025-12-27T18:52:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/?p=11372"},"modified":"2025-12-27T22:52:56","modified_gmt":"2025-12-27T18:52:56","slug":"yeni-dunya-duzeninde-guney-kafkasyanin-artan-etkisi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/2025\/12\/27\/yeni-dunya-duzeninde-guney-kafkasyanin-artan-etkisi\/","title":{"rendered":"Yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninde G\u00fcney Kafkasya’n\u0131n artan etkisi."},"content":{"rendered":"

Uluslararas\u0131 Siyaset Uzman\u0131, Diplomasi ve Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi (DASAM) Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Mehmet G\u00f6khan \u00d6z\u00e7ubuk\u00e7u, Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler ve Diplomasi \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 Merkezi (\u0130RDS CENTER) ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir r\u00f6portajda, G\u00fcney Kafkasya’n\u0131n yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczenindeki artan etkisine ili\u015fkin \u015fu de\u011ferlendirmelerde bulundu:<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/strong><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131 sistem, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda tesis edilen liberal d\u00fczenin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesiyle birlikte giderek \u00e7ok katmanl\u0131, \u00e7ok merkezli ve rekabet\u00e7i bir yap\u0131ya evrilmektedir. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, yaln\u0131zca k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7 merkezlerini de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda bu g\u00fc\u00e7lerin kesi\u015fim alanlar\u0131nda yer alan b\u00f6lgesel jeopolitik havzalar\u0131 da stratejik olarak yeniden tan\u0131mlamaktad\u0131r. G\u00fcney Kafkasya, bu ba\u011flamda art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca Rusya\u2019n\u0131n \u201carka bah\u00e7esi\u201d ya da Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7evreleme ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak de\u011fil; Avrasya\u2019n\u0131n jeoekonomik ve jeostratejik ge\u00e7i\u015f alanlar\u0131ndan biri olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle 2020\u2019de ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen \u0130kinci Karaba\u011f Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerinde ya\u015fanan k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fim, G\u00fcney Kafkasya\u2019y\u0131 yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninin kritik fay hatlar\u0131ndan biri haline getirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

G\u00fcney Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n jeopolitik \u00f6nemi tarihsel olarak imparatorluklar aras\u0131 rekabet ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir. \u00c7arl\u0131k Rusyas\u0131, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu ve \u0130ran aras\u0131nda uzun s\u00fcre tampon b\u00f6lge i\u015flevi g\u00f6ren bu co\u011frafya, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6neminde Sovyet kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131nda nispeten dura\u011fan bir alan olarak kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan g\u00fc\u00e7 bo\u015flu\u011fu, b\u00f6lgeyi yeniden k\u00fcresel rekabetin nesnesi haline getirmi\u015ftir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde G\u00fcney Kafkasya; Avrupa, Asya ve Orta Do\u011fu \u00fc\u00e7geninde enerji, ula\u015ft\u0131rma, g\u00fcvenlik ve diplomasi a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n kesi\u015fti\u011fi stratejik bir merkez olarak konumlanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn en belirleyici k\u0131r\u0131lma noktas\u0131, \u015f\u00fcphesiz \u0130kinci Karaba\u011f Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019d\u0131r. Sava\u015f yaln\u0131zca Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yeniden tesis etmesiyle sonu\u00e7lanmam\u0131\u015f; ayn\u0131 zamanda b\u00f6lgesel d\u00fczenin normlar\u0131n\u0131, arabuluculuk modellerini ve g\u00fc\u00e7 da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 da yeniden \u015fekillendirmi\u015ftir. Karaba\u011f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde G\u00fcney Kafkasya art\u0131k \u201cdonmu\u015f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar co\u011frafyas\u0131\u201d olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f; yeniden in\u015fa, entegrasyon ve ula\u015ft\u0131rma koridorlar\u0131 ekseninde tan\u0131mlanan dinamik bir jeopolitik alana d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

\u0130kinci Karaba\u011f Sava\u015f\u0131 Sonras\u0131 Azerbaycan: Asker\u00ee Ba\u015far\u0131dan Jeopolitik Akt\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011fe<\/p>\n

\u0130kinci Karaba\u011f Sava\u015f\u0131, Azerbaycan a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca asker\u00ee bir zafer de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda devlet kapasitesinin, stratejik planlaman\u0131n ve \u00e7ok boyutlu g\u00fc\u00e7 in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n somut bir g\u00f6stergesi olmu\u015ftur. Azerbaycan, sava\u015f s\u00fcrecinde modern harp doktrinlerini, ileri teknoloji kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ve dengeli diplomatik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131yla birle\u015ftirerek b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7 stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc peki\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 pasif bir enerji ihracat\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan aktif bir jeopolitik akt\u00f6re d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Karaba\u011f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n stratejik \u00f6nemi \u00fc\u00e7 temel d\u00fczlemde belirginle\u015fmektedir. Birincisi enerji g\u00fcvenli\u011fi boyutudur. Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n Rus enerji kaynaklar\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 azaltma \u00e7abalar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde Azerbaycan, G\u00fcney Gaz Koridoru \u00fczerinden g\u00fcvenilir ve stratejik bir alternatif olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. \u0130kincisi ula\u015ft\u0131rma ve lojistik boyutudur. Orta Koridor\u2019un i\u015flerlik kazanmas\u0131, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 \u00c7in\u2019den Avrupa\u2019ya uzanan ticaret hatlar\u0131n\u0131n merkez\u00ee halkalar\u0131ndan biri haline getirmi\u015ftir. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc ise diplomatik ve normatif aland\u0131r. Azerbaycan, Karaba\u011f zaferi sonras\u0131nda \u201cstat\u00fckoyu bozan\u201d de\u011fil; yeni stat\u00fckoyu in\u015fa eden, bar\u0131\u015f ve b\u00f6lgesel i\u015fbirli\u011fini \u00f6nceleyen bir akt\u00f6r konumuna y\u00fckselmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n Zengezur Koridoru konusundaki \u0131srar\u0131, yaln\u0131zca Nah\u00e7\u0131van ile kara ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik teknik bir hedef de\u011fil; Avrasya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde ba\u011flant\u0131sall\u0131k (connectivity) siyasetinin merkezine yerle\u015fme stratejisinin bir yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n jeopolitik de\u011ferini art\u0131r\u0131rken, b\u00f6lgesel ve k\u00fcresel akt\u00f6rlerin G\u00fcney Kafkasya\u2019ya ili\u015fkin pozisyonlar\u0131n\u0131 da yeniden tan\u0131mlamalar\u0131na neden olmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Zengezur Koridoru ve \u201cTrump Koridoru\u201d Tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131<\/p>\n

Zengezur Koridoru, Karaba\u011f sonras\u0131 G\u00fcney Kafkasya jeopoliti\u011finin en tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 ve \u00e7ok boyutlu ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131ndan biri haline gelmi\u015ftir. Bu koridor, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131 b\u00f6lgeleri ile Nah\u00e7\u0131van \u00d6zerk Cumhuriyeti aras\u0131nda, Ermenistan topraklar\u0131 \u00fczerinden ge\u00e7ecek bir ula\u015f\u0131m hatt\u0131n\u0131 ifade etmektedir. Ancak s\u00f6z konusu hat, yaln\u0131zca Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n iki par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 birbirine ba\u011flamamakta; ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi do\u011frudan Azerbaycan ve Orta Asya\u2019ya ba\u011flayan stratejik bir jeopolitik eksen olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cTrump Koridoru\u201d s\u00f6ylemi ise, bu hatt\u0131n Bat\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan Rusya ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 \u00e7evreleme stratejisinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak desteklendi\u011fi iddialar\u0131na dayanmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle ABD\u2019de Trump d\u00f6neminde \u00c7in\u2019in Ku\u015fak-Yol Giri\u015fimi\u2019ne alternatif g\u00fczerg\u00e2h aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n h\u0131z kazanmas\u0131 ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6lgesel ula\u015ft\u0131rma a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131 hedefi, Zengezur Koridoru\u2019nun k\u00fcresel jeopolitik anlam\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmi\u015ftir. Bununla birlikte, koridoru yaln\u0131zca ABD merkezli bir proje olarak de\u011ferlendirmek indirgemeci bir yakla\u015f\u0131m olacakt\u0131r. Zengezur, esas itibar\u0131yla b\u00f6lgesel ve k\u00fcresel akt\u00f6rlerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n kesi\u015fti\u011fi \u00e7ok katmanl\u0131 bir jeopolitik projedir.<\/p>\n

Bu noktada temel tart\u0131\u015fma, koridorun bir \u201cegemenlik ihlali\u201d mi yoksa \u201cb\u00f6lgesel entegrasyon\u201d arac\u0131 m\u0131 oldu\u011fu sorusu etraf\u0131nda yo\u011funla\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Azerbaycan ve T\u00fcrkiye, koridoru kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 fayda temelinde bir ba\u011flant\u0131sall\u0131k hatt\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlarken; Ermenistan uzun s\u00fcre bu projeyi kendi egemenli\u011fine y\u00f6nelik bir tehdit olarak alg\u0131lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninde ba\u011flant\u0131sall\u0131k siyasetinin \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, bu alg\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilirli\u011fini ciddi bi\u00e7imde sorgulatmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

S\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f Bir Ermenistan: Bar\u0131\u015f Yoluyla Rahatlama M\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc?<\/p>\n

Ermenistan, \u0130kinci Karaba\u011f Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda tarihinin en derin jeopolitik s\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131ndan biriyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Uzun y\u0131llar stat\u00fckoya dayal\u0131 bir g\u00fcvenlik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 benimseyen Erivan y\u00f6netimi, bu stat\u00fckonun \u00e7\u00f6kmesiyle birlikte hem asker\u00ee hem de diplomatik kapasite a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ciddi bir k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131k ya\u015famaktad\u0131r. Rusya\u2019ya a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k, Bat\u0131\u2019dan beklenen deste\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmas\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgesel entegrasyon projelerinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalma riski, Ermenistan\u2019\u0131 stratejik bir yol ayr\u0131m\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fcklemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Bu ba\u011flamda bar\u0131\u015f, Ermenistan a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ideolojik ya da ahlaki bir tercih de\u011fil; do\u011frudan varolu\u015fsal bir zorunluluk haline gelmi\u015ftir. Azerbaycan ile imzalanacak kapsaml\u0131 bir bar\u0131\u015f anla\u015fmas\u0131, yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 tan\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda Ermenistan\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6lgesel ula\u015ft\u0131rma, ticaret ve lojistik a\u011flar\u0131na entegre olmas\u0131n\u0131 da m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lacakt\u0131r. Zengezur Koridoru\u2019nun Ermenistan egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131nda, uluslararas\u0131 garantiler ve b\u00f6lgesel mutabakat \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde i\u015fletilmesi, Erivan i\u00e7in bir tehditten ziyade ekonomik ve siyasal bir rahatlama f\u0131rsat\u0131 sunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ermenistan\u2019\u0131n bar\u0131\u015f yoluyla rahatlamas\u0131, \u00fc\u00e7 temel ko\u015fulun sa\u011flanmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Birincisi, revizyonist s\u00f6ylemden vazge\u00e7ilmesi ve Karaba\u011f meselesinin kapanm\u0131\u015f bir dosya olarak kabul edilmesidir. \u0130kincisi, b\u00f6lgesel entegrasyon projelerine aktif kat\u0131l\u0131m sa\u011flanarak izolasyon siyasetinin terk edilmesidir. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc ise \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir d\u0131\u015f politika benimsenerek tek bir g\u00fcvenlik sa\u011flay\u0131c\u0131ya a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n azalt\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ko\u015fullar\u0131n hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi halinde Ermenistan, s\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir tampon devletten b\u00f6lgesel a\u011flara eklemlenen bir ge\u00e7i\u015f \u00fclkesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilir.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7: G\u00fcney Kafkasya Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczeninin Test Alan\u0131<\/p>\n

Yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni, tek bir hegemonun belirleyici oldu\u011fu, kurallar\u0131 \u00f6nceden tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f ve merkez\u2013\u00e7evre ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n net bi\u00e7imde \u00e7izildi\u011fi bir yap\u0131dan uzakla\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bunun yerine, g\u00fc\u00e7 da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7aland\u0131\u011f\u0131, b\u00f6lgesel akt\u00f6rlerin inisiyatif alanlar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fledi\u011fi ve ba\u011flant\u0131sall\u0131k \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlanan \u00e7ok katmanl\u0131 bir rekabet d\u00fczeni ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, yaln\u0131zca k\u00fcresel b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7leri de\u011fil; onlar\u0131n kesi\u015fim alanlar\u0131nda yer alan stratejik b\u00f6lgeleri de yeniden de\u011ferli k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. G\u00fcney Kafkasya ve \u00f6zellikle Azerbaycan, bu nedenle yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninin y\u00fckselen jeopolitik merkezlerinden biri haline gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Azerbaycan, bu yeni jeopolitik tabloda yaln\u0131zca enerji kaynaklar\u0131na sahip bir \u00fclke de\u011fil; bu kaynaklar\u0131 k\u00fcresel pazarlara g\u00fcvenilir bi\u00e7imde ula\u015ft\u0131rabilen, kriz d\u00f6nemlerinde \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclebilir bir ortak olarak hareket edebilen ve asker\u00ee kapasitesini diplomatik ve ekonomik ara\u00e7larla destekleyebilen bir devlet yap\u0131s\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. G\u00fcney Gaz Koridoru ve Orta Koridor \u00fczerindeki rol\u00fc, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninde \u201cistikrar \u00fcreten\u201d ve \u201cdenge kuran\u201d akt\u00f6rlerden biri haline getirmektedir.<\/p>\n

G\u00fcney Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fi, b\u00f6lgenin art\u0131k b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin n\u00fcfuz m\u00fccadelesine sahne olan pasif bir alan olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla yak\u0131ndan ili\u015fkilidir. Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye ile kurdu\u011fu stratejik ortakl\u0131k, esnek ittifaklar ve \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc diplomasi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla b\u00f6lgesel denge \u00fcretme kapasitesini art\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durum, G\u00fcney Kafkasya\u2019y\u0131 k\u00fcresel siyasetin periferisinden merkezine do\u011fru ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, G\u00fcney Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n ve Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczenindeki \u00f6nemi tek bir fakt\u00f6re indirgenemez. Bu \u00f6nem; asker\u00ee kapasite ile diplomatik esneklik, enerji kaynaklar\u0131 ile ula\u015ft\u0131rma a\u011flar\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgesel i\u015fbirli\u011fi ile k\u00fcresel rekabet aras\u0131nda kurulan dengeden do\u011fmaktad\u0131r. G\u00fcney Kafkasya, bu dengeler do\u011fru y\u00f6netildi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, tarihsel olarak al\u0131\u015f\u0131k oldu\u011fu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma co\u011frafyas\u0131 kimli\u011fini geride b\u0131rakarak, yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninin ba\u011flant\u0131, ge\u00e7i\u015f ve denge alanlar\u0131ndan biri haline gelecektir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Uluslararas\u0131 Siyaset Uzman\u0131, Diplomasi ve Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi (DASAM) Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Mehmet G\u00f6khan \u00d6z\u00e7ubuk\u00e7u, Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler ve Diplomasi \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 Merkezi (\u0130RDS CENTER) ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir r\u00f6portajda, G\u00fcney Kafkasya’n\u0131n yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczenindeki artan etkisine ili\u015fkin \u015fu de\u011ferlendirmelerde bulundu: Uluslararas\u0131 sistem, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda tesis edilen liberal d\u00fczenin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesiyle birlikte giderek \u00e7ok katmanl\u0131, \u00e7ok merkezli ve rekabet\u00e7i bir […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":9909,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[77,346],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-11372","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-haberler","category-roportaj"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11372","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11372"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11372\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11375,"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11372\/revisions\/11375"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9909"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11372"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11372"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/irds-center.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11372"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}